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部落格全站分類:財經政論

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  • 2月 02 週三 200508:57
  • ON THE FUTURE ROLE OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE IN EUROPEAN CONSTRUCT

http://cm.coe.int/ta/decl/1989/89dec3.htm

 

COUNCIL OF EUROPECOMMITTEE OF MINISTERS________DECLARATION ON THE FUTURE ROLE OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE IN EUROPEAN CONSTRUCTION (adopted and signed at the 84th Session of the Committee of Ministers,
5 May 1989, on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Organisation)
Preamble1. We, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the 23 member States of the Council of Europe, meeting in Strasbourg on this day, the 40th anniversary of the signing of the Statute of the Council of Europe in London on 5 May 1949, reaffirm our belief that the Council's statutory role of achieving an ever greater unity between its member States on the basis of the principles of pluralist democracy and human rights is an essential contribution to any effort aimed at European unity.2. We welcome the progress made over the past forty years in forging, on the basis of their common devotion to these principles, close bonds of trust and solidarity between an ever increasing number of European countries and peoples, a further addition being made to the Council of Europe's membership of democratic states by the accession of Finland this day.3. Europe is at present witnessing important developments. The European Community is in the process of completing a European single market; the Community and the six countries of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) are working towards a wider European Economic area. In Eastern Europe some countries have embarked on policies of openness and reform which offer new scope for dialogue and co-operation. These developments demand that the Council of Europe should reaffirm and develop its own role.4. We are determined to exploit the Council of Europe's potential in full by giving a new impetus and political direction to the intergovernmental co-operation conducted within its framework. We are counting on the promotional and initiatory action of the Assembly, which as parliamentary organ of the Council of Europe composed of members of national parliaments is in constant touch with the public's wishes and concerns and provides the essential link with national democratic institutions.5. The priority objective of the Council of Europe's action is to promote co-operation in Europe. However, the Organisation must remain open to the world on account both of the growing interdependence of international relations and of the universality of its values and principles. It will consolidate its traditional ties of friendship with the major democracies of America and other continents. Within its political dialogue it will pay attention to events in the world where its principles and ideals are being either violated or promoted. RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY6. We salute the progress accomplished by the European Community in its enlargement and the development of its action. It is important that the Council of Europe should respond to this new dynamism by intensifying co-operation with the Community. This should be done in a pragmatic manner, turning to full account each institution's approach, working methods and geographical coverage.7. In addition to the full implementation of the Arrangement concluded on 16 June 1987 between the Secretary General of the Council of Europe and the President of the Commission of the European Communities, we consider it essential to establish a regular political dialogue between the Council of Europe and the European Community. Particular responsibility in this connection lies with the Chair of the Committee of Ministers and its Bureau.8. In agreement with the European Community, quadripartite meetings between, on the one hand, the Chair of the Committee of Ministers and the Secretary General of the Council of Europe and, on the other, the President of the Council of the European Communities and the President of the Commission of the European Communities will in future be held regularly, in order to create reciprocal awareness of programmes, mutual interests and possible joint activities.9. Harmonisation and coherence of European policies should be improved not only at the level of the European institutions but also at national level.
RELATIONS WITH EAST EUROPEAN COUNTRIES10. We welcome the reform policy entered into by certain countries in Eastern Europe and the new prospects of co-operation thus opened up. We hope that the reforms started will lead to greater openness, greater respect for human rights and the development of genuine democracies throughout Europe.11. We reaffirm our attachment to the commitments subscribed to in the framework of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) and welcome the substantial progress made at the recent meeting in Vienna. In view of its responsibility for promoting and safeguarding the principles of human rights and pluralist democracy, the Council of Europe is prepared to contribute to the aims of the CSCE, particularly in its human dimension and in the fields of culture and education.
12. We encourage every development in the European non-member countries which is likely to lead to improved implementation of these principles. The Committee of Ministers, in contact with the Parliamentary Assembly, will take account of such developments in each of these countries when assessing the possibilities which lend themselves to developing contacts and extending co-operation. 13. Co-operation with these East European countries should lead to the promotion of human rights, the rapprochement of individuals and groups across frontiers and the finding of solutions to the challenges of society today, thus contributing to awareness of Europe's cultural identity and of the heritage Europeans share in the values of democracy and freedom. In this respect we are ready to engage in an open and practical dialogue with European non-member countries on the respect and the implementation at national and international level of the principles of human rights and pluralist democracy enshrined in the Council of Europe's Statute, the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Social Charter.
PRIORITY LINES OF INTERGOVERNMENTAL ACTION14. The European Convention on Human Rights, the European Social Charter, the European Cultural Convention and many other instruments, actions and institutions within the Council of Europe constitute a vital contribution to the process of European construction. We are resolved to preserve these gains as well as to enhance and to develop them further for the benefit of the widest possible Europe.15. In order to improve the effectiveness of the Council of Europe's intergovernmental action, efforts and resources should be concentrated on a select number of priority objectives which are directly connected with its statutory role.16. For that purpose we shall develop the Council of Europe's intergovernmental action along three priority lines:

- safeguarding and reinforcing pluralist democracy and human rights by reference to the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Social Charter

- fostering awareness of, and enhancing, European cultural identity

- seeking common or convergent responses to challenges confronting modern European society.

17. The achievement of these priority objectives presupposes a reform of the procedures and structures of intergovernmental co-operation in the interest of greater simplicity and flexibility. STRENGTHENING OF MEANS OF ACTION18. The new impetus and political direction we wish to give to the Council of Europe's action demand a strengthening of co-operation between all the Organisation's organs and bodies. We are therefore resolved:a. to develop a close and fuller dialogue between the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly, having regard
to the special importance we attach to the Assembly's initiatory role;b. to integrate the Conferences of Specialised Ministers more fully into the Council of Europe's institutional framework and decision-making process;c. to maintain the political dialogue within the Committee of Ministers with emphasis on the political aspects of European co-operation in general and the Council of Europe's intergovernmental activities in particular;d. to seek to ensure that public opinion is better informed of the Council of Europe's aims and achievements.19. Special attention will be given to the role of the Council of Europe in fostering direct contacts with as many European citizens as possible. The Parliamentary Assembly, the Standing Conference of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe and the involvement of numerous non-governmental organisations provide a mechanism for taking account of their needs and aspirations.20. The Chair and the Bureau of the Committee of Ministers will play a more active part, in co-operation with the Secretary General, particularly in the political shaping of the Council of Europe's action, in relations with the Parliamentary Assembly and in the promotion of the Organisation's interests in other international forums and in contact with third countries.21. Finally, the strengthening of means of action makes it necessary to take full advantage of the Secretary General's responsibilities for the development and the renewal of this action as well as of the Secretariat's expertise. We fully support the Secretary General to this end.*
* * Forty years after the founding of the Council of Europe, we, the Ministers, reaffirm our confidence in its ability to continue and intensify its contribution to the construction of a humane, ever more united and wider democratic Europe in harmony with other efforts aimed at European unity.
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  • 個人分類:國際關係
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  • 1月 31 週一 200515:37
  • 公共領域中理性溝通的可能性(3)

四、  價值多元主義對理性溝通的挑戰

    哈伯瑪斯認為只要參與公共對話的人都具備一定的理性能力與真誠性,那麼在理想對話情境中,他們就有可能達成共識。但是我們在現實中所看到的情形,卻不禁令人懷疑哈伯瑪斯的想法是否過於樂觀。舉例而言,墮胎與反墮胎、環保與經濟開發、加入WTO或反對WTO、研究複製人與反對基因科技、廢除死刑與反對廢除死刑、開放外籍移民或限制移民等等,這些公共領域裡常見的政策辯論,並沒有因為長期討論而獲得共識。而在學術界裡,自由主義與社群主義、保守主義與後現代主義、亞里斯多德的信徒與尼采的追隨者之間,同樣也看不出理性溝通發揮了多大的效果。這種價值分歧、立場衝突的情況在哈伯瑪斯的理論裡不容易找到解釋,但是在多元主義哲學的關照下,卻根本就是人類生活的常態。不同於哈伯瑪斯,多元主義者認為:即使參與公共領域對話的人都具備理性能力、都對自己的立場真誠負責、也都認真地想要追求共識,到頭來他們仍然會發現共識無法產生。而共識無法產生的原因,則是因為人類的價值、信仰、立場在本質上屬於多元狀態,彼此之間無法通約共量。    所謂多元主義哲學,我們指的是伯林(Isaiah Berlin)、雷茲(Joseph Raz)、格雷(John Gray)等英國政治思想家所陸續提出、連成一氣的哲學理論。伯林算是二十世紀多元主義思想最重要的源頭,早在《自由四論》(Four Essays on Liberty)之中,他就告訴我們「一元論」(monism)是一種錯誤而且危險的思考,因為人類的價值理想事實上不只一個,而這些價值理想之間,未必能用同樣的標準加以比較,甚至還會互相衝突對抗。[1] 伯林的洞見來自他對馬基維利(Machiavelli)、維柯(Vico)與赫德(Herder)等思想家的研究,據他的說法,馬基維利最早看出了「基督教的道德」與「世俗的道德」分屬兩種不同的生活秩序,兩者各有理據,但無法並容。維柯與赫德則是點出了不同的民族、不同的文化各自有其價值,我們必須從其價值觀點觀察,才能真正瞭解其規範體系或美學標準。伯林歸納他們的論點,進一步由「文化多元主義」發展出「價值多元主義」的立場。他說:「我們必須瞭解生命事實上可以承載多元紛雜的價值,這些價值同樣真實、同樣絕對、同樣客觀,因此無法以某種永恆不變的等級體系加以排序、或根據某種絕對標準加以評判。……這些價值之間,有的會與其他價值互不相容,因為它們或者由不同社會、在不同時代所追求;或者在同一個社會中,由不同群體所追求。它們可能是整個階級、教會、或種族所追求的理想;也可能在同一個階級(教會、種族)之中,為不同的個體所信仰」。[2]
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  • 個人分類:public sphere
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  • 1月 31 週一 200515:35
  • 公共領域中理性溝通的可能性(1)

http://www.phil.ccu.edu.tw/chinese/lecture/doc/public.doc公共領域中理性溝通的可能性*

 

江宜樺

台灣大學政治系教授

 

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  • 1月 31 週一 200515:35
  • 公共領域中理性溝通的可能性(2)

三、  理性溝通的預設與理想

    鄂蘭雖然替公共領域的特性做了一番令人印象深刻的描述,但是公共領域與理性溝通的關係仍然不十分明確。鄂蘭一方面認為公共領域是由言說(speech)或言行(speech-act)所構成,而言說當然與理性有密切關係;但是另方面她也拒絕讓哲學家的絕對真理取代意見,成為公共事務的判準。因此,公共領域究竟可以容許或預設多少理性,仍然有待深入探究。在這個問題上,哈伯瑪斯所主張的「對話倫理」適足以提供進一步思考的起點。    哈伯瑪斯事實上深受鄂蘭政治思想的影響。譬如說,哈伯瑪斯早期的作品《公共領域的結構轉型》基本上繼承了鄂蘭對古希臘時代公私領域區分的研究,以及她對近代「社會」領域興起的瞭解,但是他也跳出了鄂蘭的思想史架構,而試圖給予資產階級的公共領域一個歷史社會學式的分析。[1] 又譬如說,在哈伯瑪斯評論鄂蘭「權力」概念的文章中,他一方面推崇鄂蘭開展了一種以溝通為取向的權力概念(communications concept of power),比韋伯(M. Weber)和帕森思(T. Parsons)的定義可取;另方面也批評鄂蘭的權力觀念只關注於政治權力產生的問題,而忽略權力的行使、爭奪與保持,從而窄化了權力的內涵。[2] 哈伯瑪斯本人倒是由於鄂蘭「溝通權力」概念的啟示,而逐漸發展出一套關於「對話倫理」(discourse ethics)與溝通理性(communicative rationality)的理論。
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  • 1月 31 週一 200515:27
  • 大陸網路論壇實踐公共領域的機會與限制

http://www.gio.gov.tw/info/2002html/91report/content/c.htm
大陸網路論壇實踐公共領域的機會與限制
黃俊泰
一、研究目的
二、研究方向之探討
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  • 1月 28 週五 200514:27
  • 全球化下華人跨國公共領域的形成:印尼風暴後全球華人網路動員的意涵

全球化下華人跨國公共領域的形成:印尼風暴後全球華人網路動員的意涵
龔宜君
中央研究院東南亞區域研究計畫博士後學者
一、前言
當印尼在五月發生暴動時,出於對政局影響的輕重有別,世人的注意力是集中在學生爭民主的示威活動、印尼政壇的寡頭政治、蘇哈托政權的親貴主義以及印尼社會貧富差距等問題,世界各地對印尼時局的理解也以此為限。過後,才有部份報導指出華人的產業被暴民搶奪與燒燬,這其中包括一般店舖民宅以及印尼華人首富林紹良的中亞細亞銀行、住宅與李文正家族的力寶銀行等,同時有消息傳出,許多暴動是針對華人,燒、搶、打、砸、奸等無所不為。到後來,經由民間人道組織的查訪、網際網路和世界媒體的多方綜合和拼湊發現有些掠奪和強暴是有組織有計劃的集體行動(聯合早報電子版1998.07.17)。而其中有關印尼華人婦女被強暴殺害的訊息,引起了全球華人的抗議,抗議的形式有對印尼駐外大使館的抗議示威、對聯合國與美國國會的請願、在網際網路上設立網站傳播訊息並組織電子示威請願等活動,而活動的範圍跨越了亞洲、美洲、歐洲等世界海外華人散居之地。
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  • 1月 28 週五 200513:50
  • 告別式已結束:我們活在不同的世界嗎?--紀念孔恩(3)

參考書目
王敬軒(假名)
  1918 文學革命之反響,新青年月刊,第四卷第三號。
朱元鴻
  1994 正當的(只不過是)語藝:從前蘇格拉底到後尼采,台北,傳播文化,創刊號:81-102。
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  • 個人分類:哲學與方法
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  • 1月 28 週五 200513:48
  • 告別式已結束:我們活在不同的世界嗎?--紀念孔恩(2)

  三、孔恩--隱喻的越位?Kuhn--A Metaphoric Transposition?
I take metaphor to be essentially a higher-level version of the process
by which ostension enters into the establishment of reference for
natural-kind terms.
--Thomas S. Kuhn, "Metaphor in Science"
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  • 1月 28 週五 200513:46
  • 告別式已結束:我們活在不同的世界嗎?--紀念孔恩(1)

告別式已結束:我們活在不同的世界嗎?--紀念孔恩
朱元鴻
東海大學社會學系副教授
  孔恩(Thomas S. Kuhn)於一九九六年六月去世。《科學革命之結構》是訃告裡說明孔恩對當代思想影響廣泛的代表著作。對於社會學而言,至少就七、八年代養成的這個世代,這部著作應是熟悉的背景。翻閱當前(九年代中)的社會學刊物,孔恩仍然不時出現於註腳中,然而所參考的,幾無例外,限於孔恩的兩部著作:《科學革命之結構》第二版(1970)以及收錄在《必要之張力》(The Essential Tension, 1977)裡的論文。換句話說,孔恩與社會學的相干,似乎停格在七年代。孔恩於八年代乃至九年代初所發表的「後期」著作,在科學史與科學哲學專業領域之外,並未受到有如《科學革命之結構》那般廣泛的注意。社會學界則幾乎全然漠視了孔恩的後期著作。
  在這篇紀念性論文的前三節,我試圖回顧孔恩的「後期」著作,並且以當代的一些思想脈絡,特別是後結構、詮釋學與語藝學的觀點,作為參照討論的背景。我選擇以三個連貫的主題作為切面:專有名詞的解構,分類結構的鬥爭,以及隱喻的越位。這些討論,目的不在於單純或周延的介紹,而是藉著閱讀/演作來探索孔恩後期著作與社會學之間可能的相干與侷限,特別是關於知識論與科學地位的認知。最後在第四節,討論孔恩「成熟科學」的歷史/神話敘事,解析社會學服膺於孔恩「成熟科學」的共量尺度,對學科知識而言,可能是個具有保守專斷效果的命名/分類/隱喻結構。
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  • 個人分類:哲學與方法
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  • 1月 28 週五 200512:32
  • 歐洲聯盟人權外交的堅實基礎─人權保障原則

歐洲聯盟人權外交的堅實基礎─人權保障原則
邱晃泉
人民的歐洲
西歐是現代人權理念和人權保障制度的發揚地,「基本人權」成為歐盟的重要法律原則之一,是十分自然的。歐盟的創立和發展,畢竟不是單單為了經濟或政治的統合,更不是只為了將幾個中、小國家搞大(例如,像中國那麼大)成一個聯盟或邦國。經濟、政治、聯盟、邦國等等,充其量是手段,它們的最重要目的應該是為了人民的尊嚴、安全和幸福。沒有人的尊嚴的國家,何必要它!不重視人民的安全和幸福的政府,推翻可也!只要經濟發展、政治結合,卻不在意基本人權保障的政經聯盟或什麼「泱泱大國」,其實大可不必,而且最好不要(免得造就一個更大的壞政府)。歐盟追求的,不只是自由經濟的共同市場,也不只是個超強的歐洲聯邦,更應該是個重視個體尊嚴和價值的「人民的」歐洲。
對於基本人權的保障,不管是像法國以嚴正的「權利宣言」來表示,或像德國以憲法條文來規定,或像英國透過法院判例來確立,已是西歐的重要遺產。在一九四八年「世界人權宣言」的激勵下,一九五Ο年「歐洲理事會」通過了「歐洲人權公約」,以進一步確保生命權、免於凌虐、公正審判、表現自由等等基本人權,豐富了西歐的人權保障資產。歐盟各國都是「歐洲人權公約」的締約國,其立法、行政和司法都已相當程度體現了相關的人權保障要求。
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